 by Brian DeNure |
Correlations Among Sex Addicts and Offenders |
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In today's society, it seems that a number of people are consumed with the identification and treatment of deviant behaviors. One of the major concerns facing our nation that may not be obvious to most people is the fight against taxpayer dollars being squandered on ineffective treatment of socially deviant individuals, particularly the treatment of those displaying sexual deviance. May be dually diagnosed as sexual addicts and sexual offenders. There is also a need to develop an assessment tool with the ability to concurrently diagnose these clients. The ability to concurrently diagnose a range of deviant sexual behaviors may not be possible using one instrument alone; however, the implementation of a battery of assessment tools might be used to validly and reliably diagnose such clients. Much research has been done to identify sexually deviant groups, and a number of research tools have been developed to identify and label affected individuals. Sex addicts and sex offenders are two deviant populations that encompass subtypes possessing a host of acting-out behaviors. Research has shown that typical characteristic traits displayed by these two groups appear in both to varying degrees (Levin, 1999). Current research supports a potential relationship between these two groups and their subtypes (Blanchard, 2000). This observation leads us to believe that perhaps when sex addicts and sex offenders are concurrently identified and diagnosed, significant time and money can be saved in the dual diagnosis or differential diagnosis cases. Because many of these clients are not diagnosed concurrently as being either sexually addicted or sexual offenders, or both, some individuals may not be exposed to or have the opportunity for the proper treatment intervention or modality. At the same time, individuals and society are put at risk if diagnoses for these two groups are missed. Because of the growing concern revolving around sex, violence and addiction, it is important to examine how both sexual offending and sexual addiction have been interrelated by several linking factors. In fact, a plethora of signs and symptoms of pathology are common in both groups. Broadly speaking, many of the same characteristics of sexual addiction are transferable to other compulsive behaviors (Levin, 1999). Likewise, the same compulsory forces that drive addiction also influence offending. For instance, feelings of worthlessness, unexpressed aggression, and the need for dominance and power are characteristics shared by those with sexual addiction and other compulsive acting-out behaviors (Levin). Furthermore, those same compulsory forces that drive sexual addiction also influence sex offenders. Paranoid, histrionic, obsessive-compulsive and passive-aggressive subtypes are frequently identified in deviant sexual behavior as well (Black, Kehrberg, Flumerfelt, and Schlosser, 1997). Similarly, studies have shown that patterns of self-destructive and dangerous sexual behaviors have been brought about by unresolved emotional conflicts (Corley, 1998). It is plausible that both sexual offending individuals and sexually addicted individuals are deficient in their ability to meet intimacy needs in a socially acceptable manner. This can be attributed to an inability to resolve emotional, mental, spiritual and physical deficiencies. Furthermore, these areas have been stressed as instrumental and dangerous elements for those who sexually offend and/or who are sexually addicted. Behaviors used to produce gratification or to escape internal discomfort can become compulsive (Schneider, 1991). When compulsive sexual acting-out behavior continues, even in the face of negative consequences, it is considered a sign of addiction. For the sexual offender and/or sexual addict, this statement is proven true in the vast majority of cases. Individuals who are sexually addicted and have sexually offended share similar sexual behaviors and thought patterns. For example, both engage in irrational thinking, rationalizing, justifying, denying and defending (Schneider, 1991). Like typical chemical addiction, sexual addiction and sexual offending have been reported as having a linear progression in behavior, often seen in the consequences incurred by those who sexually offend and/or are sexually addicted. By the same token, there are many shared consequences. Data based on the self-report of sexual addicts shows similar consequences to those described by sexual offenders. In one study, 70 to 75 percent of sexual addicts have contemplated suicide (Earle and Earle, 2000), yet the frequency for sex offenders was not reported. Evidence supports the notion that many sex offenders and/or sex addicts have been involved in dysfunctional relationships. Research further indicates that the vast majority of sex offenders come from similar backgrounds and that 72 percent of sexual addicts have been physically abused in childhood (Earle and Earle, 2000). The same research found that approximately 81 percent had sexual abuse histories and 97 percent had some form of emotional abuse (Earle and Earle, 2000). Sexual offenders and/or sexual addicts both suffer from similar health consequences as a result of their behavior. For example, sexual addicts and sexual offenders are exposed to a greater risk of sexually transmitted diseases when compared to the general population. Current research also indicates a strong relationship between sexual offending and/or sexually addicted individuals and the legal system. Although the research obtained for this study regarding percentages of sexually addicted clients engaging in illegal activities was limited, based on the information presented and what is known of sexual offending, this researcher predicts that a large percentage of sexual offenders have had legal consequences to some degree. There is a strong body of research supporting the efficacy of similar treatment strategies for sexual offenders and sexual addiction: Graham (1994) indicated a positive treatment outcome when using an addiction model as the main component in treating incarcerated sex offenders. In this study, 157 sexual offenders were treated with the sexual addiction model. Over a five year period, after release, only 3.2 percent repeated their behavior (Graham, 1994). In a study conducted with sexual addicts, 48.6 percent of respondents reported that self-disclosure of their addiction was helpful for both the addict and his or her partner (Corley, 1998). For sexual offenders as well as sexual addicts, incarceration for their behavior without clinical intervention does not result in any change in behavior or thought pattern. Blanchard (2000) notes that incarceration without treatment limits self-disclosure and increases the probability of recidivism. Much research has been done to correlate sexual addiction and sexual offending, for good reason. For example, a sexual addict whose behaviors incurs legal consequences is just one type of sexual offender (Blanchard, 2000). It is important to note that research failed to form an all-inclusive view of addiction and offending, but Blanchard estimates that 55 percent of incarcerated sexual offenders are diagnosable as sexual addicts. Furthermore, the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory is commonly used to identify profiles of both sexual offenders and sexual addicts (Kalichman, 1990). Research has begun to look at the influence of addictive sexual patterns and their effects on affect (Blanchard, 2000). In Blanchard's review, there is an abundance of information identified as existing relationships between sexual offending and sexual addiction. Evidence refuting the relationships does not deny the equivalence as much as it typically focuses on the course of treatment that should be used for each specific category. However, the existing research does support a positive correlation regarding compulsive behaviors and environmental factors for both groups. Clearly, the need to carefully screen sexual offenders and sexual addicts for potential dual diagnosis is important. References Black, D.W., Kehrberg, L.D., Flumerfelt, D. L., Schlosser, S.S. Characteristics of 36 subjects reporting compulsive sexual behavior. Journal of Psychiatry, vol. 154n154, page 243, (7), (Feb 1997). Blanchard, G. How is sex addiction related to sexual offending. (On-Line). Available: NCSAC Position Paper. P.w, (2000). Corley, D.M. Disclosure of sexual misconduct: Understanding meaning and process of disclosure for married couples in which one partner is self identified as a sex addict. Disssertation Abstracts International (section B: The Sciences and Engineering, vol. 59 (5-b), page 2414, (Nov 1998). Earle, R., Earle, M. Consequences of sex addiction and compulsivity. (On-Line). Available: NCSAC Position Paper. P.w, (2000). Graham, R.K. The sexual addiction model in treatment of incarcerated offenders: A study of recidivism. Sexual Addiction and Compulsivity, vol. 1, 3, pages 278-283, (1994). Kalichman, S.C. Affective and personality characteristics of MMPI profile sub-groups of incarcerated rapists. Archives of Sexual Behavior, vol. 19, 5, page 443, (17), (Oct 1990). Schneider, J.P. How to recognize the signs of sexual addiction. Postgraduate Medicine, vol. 90, 6, (Nov 1, 1991). Bryan DeNure is Assistant Clinical Coordinator for Outpatient Services at the Illinois Institute for Addiction Recovery. He has received his Bachelor Degree in Psychology from Western Illinois University and is also a certified Alcohol and Other Drug Abuse Counselor as well as a Mental Illness Substance Abuse Counselor. Bryan is currently pursuing his certification as a Certified Compulsive Gambling Counselor. © 2000 Targeted Publishing Group, Inc. All rights reserved. |
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